Because of the high-important roles, the decisive players in such a complicated power assessment have estimated that it is possible to overlook the key respect of the agreed and legally prescribed procedures without it being noticed.
The government’s assessment was alarming: the financial conditions in Agrokor are deteriorating at such a speed that it no longer concerns the collapse of the entire concern, but the systemic risk of the entire economy. The two of them believed that their solution to such a sensitive and difficult to be solved problem of the disintegration of the Croatian business giant Agrokor would simply cover all the mistakes made in the process of resolving. That only the result will be significant, and not the path leading to it. The influential minister and the vice president of the Croatian government, Martina Dalić, with quiet and concealed consent of her trustee, the president of the Croatian government, Andrej Plenković, established a parallel government structure, a group of people who could independently define the rules for overcoming complicated government-parliamentary procedures and quick rehabilitation of the Agrokor system and all companies associated with it.
In a few months, the rescue operation would be completed, and collaborators of the parallel government group which gave itself confidential name Borg, would be definitely and very richly compensated in the end.
They had power and also sent messages in Christmas cards exchanged this year that they were proud because they “can ride together.”
The name of the group was found by the vice-president of the government, because, at least she said so, she adores the “Star Trek” show.
On Monday, May 14 afternoon, due to the operation Agrokor, Martin Dalić had to resign. The reason for her resignation was not Agrokor nor publicly announced correspondence of letters exchanged by members of the Borg Group and even less high fees, which they, being convinced of the significance of their mission, paid out.
The Prime Minister and her trustee, Plenković, could defend her. In particular, because the Constitutional Court has just confirmed the constitutionality of the special law, called Lex Agrokor, then due to all parliamentary investigations against Dalić, which ended with no incriminating results, and ultimately also because the leadership of his coalition parties is financially and existentially completely dependent on the existing government and certainly cannot come up with a freedom of voting against its employer.
Dalić had to resign due to the factional fights in the Croatian ruling party. And also because in the event of a successful renovation of the entire system, Agrokor would be simply politically and economically too influential and would obtain a complete and filigree precise insight into the work of the most important Croatian companies, including banks. As well as the effective active group of advisers associated with influential civil servants. It would have a virtually new parallel government. The decisions of the old conventional political parties would no longer be the most important. Even less, the role of the president of the state, Kolinda Grabar Kitarović.
That is exactly what Dalić and Plenković overlooked. As a result, certain errors could not be corrected. And precisely because of this, the overlook of important warnings happened. At the same time, simultaneous political intensification and clashes within the ruling party are unexpected. Everything pointed to the bad.
In mid-September 2014 in Zagreb, then Dalić left the HDZ party, I followed her explanations. They were different. That it was necessary to prepare reforms if the party wants to take over the government, and they could only be prepared by a related group that had a consensus on the necessary goals that would draw Croatia out of the economic bottom. That performance was her first mistake. It was also a mistake because she added that it was necessary to implement the reforms regardless of all the protests of individual stakeholders who felt affected.
On June 21, 2016, she commented on the resignation of HDZ President Tomislav Karamarko. This was her second mistake. Today we have the opportunity again, she said, to become a successful and tolerant European state. To postpone amateurism and ignorance and delusion of the past together with Tomislav Karamarko.
The deep country has not forgiven her this.
All her revolts have become current again a few months ago when the ruling party of Andrej Plenković was literally divided by the issue of European ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Women. Part of the party supported by the clear messages of the Croatian bishops about the inadmissibility of such heretical thoughts about women who have the right to speak and oppose the man, threatened Plenković with dismissal. Despite this, the Convention was voted on. However, all the reasons for dissatisfaction and doubt remained. And Dalić was among the suspects for disrespecting the legal, original principles of the Tuđman’s HDZ party.
Although Plenković ordered, with good intention, but extremely naively, his secret services to investigate all personal mail, documents, phone and official SMS messages of the Deputy Prime Minister. To be precise, he wanted to prove that she did not threaten the members of the former administration of Agrokor, as Ivica Todorić wrote. All her mails and her phone calls were no longer her own property. If they ever were.
In September last year, Dalić was intercepted by the security intelligence agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina also because of Mercator.
We can only guess about where all the results of their work have gone.
And there is probably no doubt that they were shared with old Croatian intelligence officers. Because of this, and primarily because of the Peljesac Bridge and the Bosnian demands, it is necessary to determine the sea border before construction.
Plenković overlooked this as well.
Dalić resigned on the first day of this week. Agrokor and the Borg Group were just a trigger. And Plenković still has to find out.